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Bargain buildings: Charter school ‘dollar law’ may have new life

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Bargain buildings: Charter school ‘dollar law’ may have new life

    DECEMBER 27,

An Indiana state law that turns unused or underutilized public school buildings over to charter school organizers for a pittance may have been given a second life despite opposition from critics and a lack of clear evidence that it’s succeeding.

Indianapolis Public Schools may be able to move forward with the sale of Raymond Brandes School 65 (pictured) and Francis Bellamy School 102 after the Marion County Superior Court ruled this week the school district is exempt from the state’s “dollar law.”

Even one of its strongest proponents has been having doubts. Twelve years into promoting Indiana’s controversial “dollar law,” which aimed to get buildings cheaply for use by charter schools, Rep. Bob Behning, R-Indianapolis, was ready to throw in the towel.

“I don’t think it has worked the way it was intended,” Behning said. “I’m saying, I give up.”

The date was March 29, 2023, the setting was a meeting of the House Education Committee at the Indiana Statehouse, and Behning was verbally jousting, as he often does, with Rep. Ed DeLaney, D-Indianapolis.

“I’m seeing a white flag, is that right?” Delaney said.

It looked that way at the time; but the Republican supermajority in the Indiana General Assembly didn’t give up on the law, which was adopted in 2011 to let charter schools buy vacant or closed public school buildings for $1 or lease them for $1 a year. Instead, it doubled down.

Under provisions adopted this year, public school districts will have to track and report to the state if their buildings are “underutilized.” In some districts, charter schools and their backers will be able to petition the state to close those schools and let charter schools acquire them for $1, even if the buildings are still being used by the public school district.

DeLaney said in a recent interview that the changes take a bad law and make it worse.

“It is a taking of an asset,” he said. “It’s a form of eminent domain directed against school districts. But under eminent domain, you get paid for your asset. Here, you don’t.”

But charter school supporters say the law is a taxpayer-friendly way to help charter schools get access to essential facilities and reduce duplication in education funding. They say that since charter schools, unlike public school districts, can’t levy local property taxes to pay for buildings, they need tools like the dollar law. They hope the changes make the law more effective.

“I can tell you that facility availability, financing availability, is the biggest impediments to having high-quality charter schools open. It’s really hard,” said Scott Bess, founder and special projects director with Purdue Polytechnic High School, which operates four charter school campuses.

Who speaks for taxpayers?

The dollar law seems to be unique to Indiana, according to data from the Education Commission of the States, although other states have laws aimed at making spare buildings available to charter schools. Georgia requires districts to make surplus buildings available to charter schools at no cost, and Florida says districts must provide surplus buildings to charter schools on the same basis as to other public schools. Most states require charter schools to pay market value, however.

The Indiana law has been tweaked off and on, including in 2021, when it was expanded to allow state colleges and universities to buy or lease unused public school buildings for $1.

And the law has been controversial from the start. Advocates for school districts say it takes public facilities and turns them over to privately run schools that aren’t accountable to local taxpayers. Charter school supporters say it helps level the playing field for funding different types of public schools.

Under Indiana law, charter schools receive state funding for teacher and staff salaries and most operating expenses on the same basis as public school districts. But without the authority to levy property taxes, they must turn to other sources to pay for buildings. Charter schools do get extra state funds, currently $1,400 per pupil, to help make up for not getting property taxes.

There are about 100 charter schools in Indiana, not including “adult high schools” designed to help dropouts finish school. Approximately half of charter schools are in Indianapolis. Most are authorized by the Indiana Charter School Board, the Indianapolis mayor’s office, Ball State University, the University of Southern Indiana or one of three private institutions: Trine University, Grace College and Calumet College. Statewide, just under 5% of students attend charter schools, but the percentage is much higher in some districts, especially Indianapolis Public Schools and Gary Community Schools.

Supporters say charter schools are public schools—they are defined as such in state law—and the public should pay for their facilities. And since the public had already paid for unused district buildings, it shouldn’t have to pay again for charter schools to buy or lease them, they say.

“The buildings belong to the taxpayers/public who paid for them, not the district,” Marcie Brown-Carter, executive director of the Indiana Charter Schools Network, said by email. She said unused school buildings “should be used for continued public good in the form of public schools if possible.”

But who speaks for the taxpayers? School district advocates say local school boards, which are typically elected, should decide how the buildings will be used or if they should be sold to offset expenses.

“Our belief is the local school board is in the best position to determine appropriate uses of its buildings, taking into consideration the community, of course, and also the needs of the school corporation,” said Lisa Tanselle, general counsel for the Indiana School Boards Association.

The law has rarely been used

The law requires school districts to report to the Indiana Department of Education when they decide to close a classroom building. Charter schools then typically have 90 days to offer to buy or lease the building for $1. If no charter school operator comes forward, the district can sell or lease the building.

But only 30 such buildings have been reported as closed since the law took effect 12 years ago, according to state records. Two were in Indianapolis and one was in South Bend, but most were in rural areas or small cities where there’s generally been less interest in opening charter schools.

The Education Department doesn’t keep records on how often charter schools have acquired the buildings, spokesperson Molly Williams said. Brown-Carter, with the state charter network, estimated it’s happened about five times.

Ambiguity in the law may have lessened its effectiveness.

In practice, school districts have often opted to convert classroom buildings to other uses rather than close them outright and make them available to charter schools, their competitors. For example, they might convert the buildings for use for special programming or as office or storage space. Or they might lease them to community organizations.

“Districts have largely ignored the law by failing to report unused buildings to the IDOE as the law has required or by reading the law carefully to find loopholes they can exploit to avoid the law’s intent,” Brown-Carter said.

Tanselle, with the school boards association, said school districts have naturally looked to alternative uses for their buildings rather than give them up for, essentially, nothing.

“If the school corporation was afforded the opportunity to sell the building to the charter school for something more along the lines of fair market value, as opposed to $1, I don’t think there would be much resistance,” she said.

Under changes made this year by Senate Bill 391, school districts will have to report to the state if any of their classroom buildings are “underutilized” according to a state formula: for example, if they’re operating at less than 60% of their design capacity for classroom use or less than 50% for storage.

Districts that are losing enrollment and that have more than one building serving the same grade levels could face having their underutilized buildings closed by the state and made available to charter schools. Two dozen districts meet those criteria, including urban districts like Indianapolis, Gary, Hammond and Kokomo, but also mid-sized districts such as North Lawrence, Martinsville and Spencer-Owen.

Under the law, if a building in one of those districts is listed as underutilized, a charter school could contact the district to try to arrange a deal. If there’s no agreement in 45 days, the charter school could ask the Indiana Department of Education to determine if the building should be closed. The district then would have 60 days to make its case for why it still needs the building. It’s up to the Education Department to decide, and its ruling can be appealed to the State Board of Education.

The changes could result in charter schools acquiring more buildings, but Bess, the Purdue Polytechnic founder, isn’t so sure. “Maybe it leads to one or two more,” he said.

Bess, who also serves on the State Board of Education, to which he was appointed by Gov. Eric Holcomb, said several factors make the dollar law a less-than-optimal way for charter schools to get buildings.

For one thing, if a school district is closing schools, it’s a sign that the district is losing population. With fewer students available to enroll, Bess said, the building’s location is less attractive to charter schools.

For another, school buildings that close often need expensive repairs and renovations. A charter school might get a building for a dollar, but “that would literally be the most expensive dollar we would ever spend,” Bess said.

At least three lawsuits have dealt with the law

Even so, the law is sure to remain controversial and subject to wrangling in the courts. DeLaney said SB 391’s complex criteria for calculating whether a school building is underutilized are sure to lead to lawsuits as districts and charter schools interpret the law differently.

“At the end of the day, they (charter schools) may be able to get more school buildings,” DeLaney said. “I think they will. But in the near term, they’ll get more litigation.”

Even before the recent changes, there’s been considerable litigation over the dollar law.

West Lafayette Community School Corp. went to court in 2019, claiming the law violates the “takings clauses” of state and federal constitutions, which say the government may not take property without just compensation. The lawsuit was merged in 2020 with similar challenges by two Lake County school districts, Lake Ridge and Hammond.

“There’s no due process,” said Rocky Killion, who was West Lafayette superintendent when the suit was filed. “There’s no process for input by the local taxpayers who ponied up for those buildings.”

But a Lake County Superior Court judge rejected the lawsuit, and the Indiana Court of Appeals upheld his decision in November 2022. The appeals court concluded that the school districts are political subdivisions of the state, not “persons” that can expect to have their rights protected.

The West Lafayette, Lake Ridge and Hammond school districts apparently decided against appealing the court’s ruling. “It’s unfortunate,” said Robert Reiling, an Indianapolis attorney who represented the districts. “I thought the case merited being heard by the (Indiana) Supreme Court.”

In 2022, a charter school operator went to court to try to make use of the dollar law. Indiana Classical Schools Corp. sued Carmel Clay Community School Corp., claiming the school board decided to close its Orchard Park Elementary School but didn’t make it available for use by a charter school. Indiana Classical Schools wanted to open a charter school, called Valor Classical Academy, in the building.

But a Hamilton County judge ruled the Carmel Clay district did not violate the law when it closed the school and planned to share the facility with Carmel Clay Parks and Recreation. Indiana Classical Schools, which is affiliated with conservative Hillsdale College in Michigan, has appealed.

Finally, Indianapolis Public Schools recently went to court to argue the law doesn’t apply to IPS.

SB 391 created an exception to the dollar law for school districts that share property-tax referendum funding with charter schools. IPS has voluntarily shared some of the money from a 2018 referendum with local “innovation network schools,” charter schools that operate under agreements with the district. The district’s lawyers said that makes it exempt from the law. IPS is closing several classroom buildings as part of its Rebuilding Stronger plan and wants to be able to sell or lease them.

Indiana Attorney General Todd Rokita, named as a defendant in the IPS suit, argued the district wasn’t exempt because the dollar-law exception applies only to future referendum sharing that SB 391 will require in four counties: Lake, Marion, St. Joseph and Vanderburgh. But a Marion County Superior Court judge sided with IPS, ruling the district is exempt from the dollar law and can dispose of buildings without offering them to charter schools.

Rokita’s office immediately asked the judge to delay implementing the decision to allow the plaintiffs a chance to appeal before IPS can sell any of its buildings.

What happened to the ‘white flag’?

Behning, the Indianapolis Republican legislator, cited the lack of use of the law when he offered an amendment to SB 391 that would have repealed the entire dollar law, effective July 2025. The House Education Committee, which Behning chairs, adopted the amendment.

“You’re seeing a white flag,” Behning told DeLaney. “You can vote for this bill and claim victory.”

But DeLaney didn’t vote for the amended bill, which also included the requirement that school districts in four counties share referendum funds with charter schools. And supporters of the dollar law didn’t surrender. Two weeks later, Behning and other Republican lawmakers had apparently changed their minds.

In an April 11 meeting of the House Ways and Means Committee, Rep. Jeff Thompson, R-Avon, the committee’s chairman, offered an amendment to SB 391 that added a facilities grant program for charter schools. Unmentioned by Thompson or anyone else, the amendment also deleted Behning’s previous language that would have repealed the dollar law.

There was no discussion of the amendment, according to a video recording of the meeting. The vote appeared to follow party lines, with Republicans voting yes and Democrats no.

Julia Vaughn, executive director of Common Cause Indiana, said that was a problem. “For one committee to completely reverse a policy that another committee has taken, and seemingly without any public input and with little to no public discussion, is very troubling,” she said.

When the final version of SB 391 passed, two weeks later, the dollar law had been strengthened.

Lawmakers involved with the legislation—including Behning, Thompson, several authors and sponsors of the bill, House Speaker Todd Huston and Senate President Pro Tem Roderick Bray—would not discuss the law or did not respond to requests for comment. Most cited litigation, although current lawsuits touching on the law do not name the General Assembly or individual legislators as parties.

Vaughn said it seems increasingly common for lawmakers to make substantive changes in legislation with little or no public discussion. She attributes the trend to one-party control of state government and House and Senate supermajorities that can hash out controversies in closed-door caucus meetings.

“The legislature is supposed to be about people with different ideas coming together and discussing those ideas, not behind closed doors but in public,” Vaughn said.

“We have laws on the books that say the public’s business needs to be done in public. If things go on behind closed doors, I think it erodes the public’s trust in the General Assembly as an institution.”

This article was published by TheStatehouseFile.com through a partnership with The Indiana Citizen, a nonpartisan, nonprofit platform dedicated to increasing the number of informed, engaged Hoosier citizens.

FOOTNOTES: Steve Hinnefeld is a freelance writer based in Bloomington. He formerly was an adjunct instructor at the Media School at Indiana University, a media specialist at Indiana University and reporter for The Bloomington Herald-Times.

Dwight Adams, a freelance editor and writer based in Indianapolis, edited this article. He is a former content editor, copy editor and digital producer at The Indianapolis Star and IndyStar.com, and worked as a planner for other newspapers, including The Louisville Courier Journal. 

Rokita’s famous last words

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Rokita’s famous last words

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“Curtis Hill has put himself ahead of his elected office and our values because of his bad judgment, not just on one night, but in a long pattern of inappropriate behavior. Personal responsibility is saying you’re sorry when you fail others taking ownership of mistakes. It is something to teach your children every day.”

Those are the words of Indiana Attorney General Todd Rokita from back in 2020. They were quoted in the  Indianapolis Star, on July 6, 2020.

Rokita was running for Indiana secretary of State, oops, Congress. No darn it, the U.S. Senate.  My bad, he was running for attorney general.  He’s run for so many offices over his career that you can lose track sometimes, but I digress.

During the campaign, which occurred during the time that Hill was going through his controversy and being disciplined by the courts for inappropriate behavior, Rokita argued that Republican delegates could not renominate Hill because if they did, Democrats would have a field day.

“This was no impeachment Pelosi clown show,” Rokita said. “This was the highest court in our state, five impartial conservative judges condemning our attorney general’s behavior. This messaging against Hill will be so intense, we will not only lose the attorney general’s office, but will lose other elections including local races that we care about.”

Famous last words.

Rokita is in trouble, again. For, guess what? I’ll take “running off at the mouth” for $500, Mr. Trebek.

Indiana Citizen has a really good rundown, which I recommend you read. Rokita is in trouble, again, with the Indiana Attorney Disciplinary Commission. Partly because, according to one complaint, he made false statements in his affidavit from the last complaint. How many complaints is that?

What makes this a little different is that one of the folks who filed the complaint used to work for the commission, handling attorney-alleged misconduct. So, she comes to the table loaded for bear.

In her grievance, according to Indiana Citizen, the complainant said she had worked for 10 years in the area of professional responsibility, including two years as a staff attorney with the disciplinary commission. She said she couldn’t remember “in all that time” encountering a case where an attorney was so “unrepentant, defiant toward his ethical duties, the Commission, the Court, the legal profession, and the administration of justice.”

That can’t be good.

You see, the disciplinary commission is investigating whether Rokita violated Indiana Professional Conduct Rules 3.3(a)(1) and 8.4(c). The first rule prohibits a lawyer from knowingly making a false statement of fact to a tribunal – in this case, the Indiana Supreme Court. The second defines professional misconduct for a lawyer as engaging in conduct involving dishonesty, fraud, deceit or misrepresentation.

This is one of the most important rules a lawyer must follow. If you break it, you are in big trouble. Just this year, according to the Supreme Court’s annual report, the court suspended one attorney without automatic reinstatement for, in addition to other violations, “making false statements and not cooperating during the Commission’s investigation. The Court noted this matter was the attorney’s third public discipline, and the attorney’s continuing noncompliance required more substantial discipline.”

Don’t forget, the Supreme Court decision to give Rokita a wrist slap for his last was 3-2. The two dissenting justices thought Rokita deserved a stricter penalty.

Some people just love to poke the bear until the bear pokes back.

So, what can happen to Rokita? One of the following….

(1) permanent disbarment from the practice of law;

(2) suspension from the practice of law without automatic reinstatement;

(3) suspension from the practice of law for a fixed period of time, not to exceed 180 days, with provision for automatic reinstatement after the expiration of the fixed period, upon any conditions as the Supreme Court may specify in the order of suspension;

(4) a public reprimand;

(5) a private reprimand; or

(6) a private administrative admonition.

If the Court finds Rokita violated the Rule of Professional Conduct and they exercise options #1 or #2, he would have to step down as attorney general. Under state law, IC 4-6-1-3

specifically, to hold the job, one must be duly licensed to practice law in Indiana.

There’s a good chance that could happen. Remember, the person who filed that complaint has a decade in the realm of professional responsibility, including two years as a staff attorney with the disciplinary commission. Did we mention that?

When we ran into Gov. Eric Holcomb at the Elise Nieshalla swearing-in ceremony, we asked if he had thought about or has any concerns about potentially having to make another statewide appointment next year regarding the attorney general; his response was, “No comment.”

Several folks are looking at that potential open spot. Some are looking at running if Rokita is disbarred; others are looking at a straight-up challenge, using the same line of attack Rokita used against Curtis Hill back in the 2020 Republican State Convention.

Now, this is the part where Rokita’s troglodytes say we are infringing on his rights to free speech and are interfering with an election.

Where have I heard this before?

My response to them is simple. The law is clear: only licensed attorneys can be attorney general.

If he loses his law license, he can’t hold the job.

If Rokita loses his law license, he will have no one to blame but himself. All this could have been avoided if he had just kept his mouth shut.

This isn’t hard to do, folks. Well, maybe it is if your name is Theodore Rokita.

FOOTNOTE:  Abdul-Hakim Shabazz is the editor and publisher of Indy Politics. He is also a licensed attorney in both Indiana and Illinois.

THUNDERBOLTS COME BACK TO DEFEAT HAVOC 2-1 IN OVERTIME 

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 Huntsville, Ala.:  Just one game after being victimized by a late opposing comeback, the Thunderbolts reversed their fortunes by coming back late to defeat the Huntsville Havoc 2-1 in overtime in Huntsville on Tuesday, extending their point streak to 6 consecutive games.  The Thunderbolts’ next home game will be on Sunday, December 31st against the Macon Mayhem, puck drop at 7:00pm CT.

13:33 into the first period, Mason Palmer opened the scoring for Huntsville to put them ahead 1-0.  Great goaltending by Cole Ceci kept the score at 1-0, refusing to let another shot get by him, inspiring his team to gradually pick up their pace of play as the game progressed.  Although the Thunderbolts continued to gain momentum, it remained 1-0 until Evansville finally broke through with 4:12 remaining in the third period as Grayson Valente took advantage of a stickless Brian Wilson and sniped a shot into the net to tie the game, assisted by Tommy Stang.  In overtime, Scott Kirton scored to win the game for Evansville at 1:44 from Myles Abbate and Dmitry Yushkevich.  With the win, the Thunderbolts continued their climb up the standings by moving into a tie for 7th place with their next opponent, Quad City.

Valente and Kirton finished with Evansville’s goals, while Cole Ceci finished with 38 saves on 39 shots in regulation and overtime for his 7th win of the season.  The Thunderbolts and Havoc meet again on Friday, March 8th at Von Braun Center.

Vanderburgh County Weekly Death Report

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Vanderburgh County Weekly Death Report

Weekly Death Report Nov 27 to Dec 3 2023

From animated action to atomic bombs: The top 5 movies of 2023

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From animated action to atomic bombs: The top 5 movies of 2023

Top Films of 2023

5. “Killers of the Flower Moon”

Leonardo DiCaprio and Robert De Niro star in a true story of the oil-rich Osage tribe and the murderous greed of the pervading white man in 1920s Oklahoma. With incredible period sets and flawless acting, it’s a Martin Scorsese masterclass in filmmaking. Only its 3.5-hour runtime keeps it from being higher on the list.

4. “Return to Seoul”

A French woman embarks on a journey to South Korea and tries to connect with her biological parents who gave her up for adoption as a baby.

Rookie actress Ji-Min Park is enchanting as her character struggles to find her identity in a foreign land, culture and language. Her protective walls are up while silently studying the faces of the strangers who are her blood, searching for something familiar. But on the inside, you can tell she’s screaming, with any sense of belonging clouded by confused feelings of abandonment. The film’s emotion is palpable, showing how sometimes the more you reach out, the more you feel alone.

3. “Spider-man: Across the Spider-verse”

Miles Morales’s purpose as a superhero comes into question after he runs into a team of spider-people variants dedicated to protecting the multiverse.

Not just the best-animated movie of the year, this is one of the best movies—period. The visuals are stunning, the voice-acting terrific, and the action moves at a breakneck pace. There’s so much to take in and appreciate, it begs for a rewatch. It’s exhausting—in a good way.

2. “Past Lives”

Young Nora moves with her family from South Korea to Canada, then New York, leaving behind her childhood sweetheart, Hae-sung. What follows is a story of love and discovery that spans across oceans and decades before the two finally reunite in very different phases of their lives. Hae-sung is recently single when he flies to New York to meet up with Nora and her husband, Arthur.

It’s clear there’s no romantic outcome that will please all involved parties. But that’s OK. Director Celine Song manages to sidestep cinematic cliches, instead blending something both nostalgic and honest about the people who enter our lives, even if they sometimes must leave.

1. “Oppenheimer”

Christopher Nolan’s blockbuster provides a fascinating look at J. Robert Oppenheimer, the complicated man who led Allied efforts to build the atomic bomb that would end World War II.

Beyond its all-star cast, thrilling history and flawless direction is a reminder that Oppenheimer put God-like destruction in the hands of man—a decision there’s no coming back from. The bombs may have fallen on Japan 80 years ago, but the moral responsibility of this devastating technology weighs just as heavy today as it did then.

FOOTNOTE: Scott McDaniel is an assistant professor of journalism at Franklin College. He lives in Bargersville with his wife and three kids.

Explore McCormick’s Creek State Park

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Most of McCormick’s Creek State Park is open even though the campground is closed. Trails 1, 3, 4, 8, and 9 offer opportunities to explore what makes the park special during winter. With the woods “sleeping,” you can spot features hard to see the rest of the year.

Trails 3 and 9 offer a clearer view of geological and historical features while the leaves are off the trees. Trails 1 and 8 offer opportunities to see how the woods change during winter, and if you visit for the upcoming naturalist-led hike on Trail 4 on Dec. 22, you’ll have a chance to see how the view from the fire tower changes in the winter months.

The nature center offers regular naturalist programming and an exhibit hall featuring the park’s history, geology, ecology, and more.

Vanderburgh County Recent Booking Records

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Vanderburgh County Recent Booking Records

Booked Last 24 Hours – 2023-12-27

EPD DAILY ACTIVITY REPORT

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EPD DAILY ACTIVITY REPORT

 

 

FOOTNOTE:  EPD DAILY ACTIVITY REPORT information was provided by the EPD and posted by the City-County-County Observer without opinion, bias, or editing.

Better For The Supreme Court To Be Right Than Fast

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Better for the Supreme Court to be right than fast

The U.S. Supreme Court made the right call.

John Krull, publisher, TheStatehouseFile.com

When the justices on America’s high bench opted not to honor Special Counsel Jack Smith’s request for expedited consideration of former President Donald Trump’s claims of presidential immunity from prosecution, they sent the correct signal.

Political observers touted the court’s refusal to skip over typical parts of the appeals process as a big victory for Trump.

It wasn’t—we’ll get to that in a moment—but the fact that such observations were routine illustrates why it was important that the Supreme Court take its time.

Donald Trump’s presidency and its aftermath have created immense challenges for a self-governing society.

Not the least of them is that his presence encourages almost everyone to view events through a distorting partisan prism. Because he makes everything—assaults on American institutions that have preserved American rights for more than two centuries—about him and not about the country he took an oath to defend, Trump warps perspective.

He pushes both his supporters and his detractors to ask the wrong questions.

Does this help Donald Trump? Does it hurt Donald Trump? Will Trump like it or will Trump hate it?

Those questions are beside the point—or at least they should be.

The proper questions involve determining what the law says, how justice should be determined and administered appropriately and which of many unfortunate options is best for the republic.

Donald Trump is neither more nor less important than any other person who has held the office of president. Every president is a steward of the republic, not a ruler. That is why we demand that presidents take oaths pledging to execute the duties of the office and “preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States.”

The oath is a reminder that the person who occupies the Oval Office serves a greater cause than plain self-interest.

That cause is preserving the ability of free people to govern themselves.

This is an ongoing challenge. Every generation of Americans have had to wrestle with one existential question or another regarding our experiment in self-government.

Because of that, preserving the pillars of self-government has been so important for us as a nation.

One of those essential pillars is the judicial branch. If we Americans lack faith that fundamental issues of law will be weighed dispassionately, then it is hard to believe that human beings can govern themselves.

The safeguards built into the legal system—the myriad ways to challenge evidence, the many avenues for appeal—are there to reassure us that no one will be denied liberty or property without just consideration.

Donald Trump has been indicted four times on 91 criminal charges. He is the first president in American history to be indicted for criminal conduct.

Prosecuting him will establish precedents. His presidency and his ceaseless efforts to overturn the legitimate results of a presidential election already have shattered norms for a commander-in-chief’s conduct.

His attempts to evade legal accountability for his actions threaten to do the same.

For that reason, all who love this country and its institutions should demand that no steps in the process be skipped—that no safeguards of his or anyone else’s rights be forsaken.

It won’t cost much to do so.

The supposed win Trump scored with the court’s decision not to expedite his spurious claims of immunity will be short-lived. The appellate court will rule soon and then the matter will be before the Supreme Court.

The great Supreme Court justices with John Marshall have prided themselves on taking the long view, of placing eternal values above temporary considerations.

This court often hasn’t done that. The justices, particularly those who made their reputations as political animals, frequently have allowed themselves to take sides in the ideological battles of a rabidly partisan age.

The monumental questions involving Donald Trump’s prosecution give the members of the bench a chance to redeem themselves—and the court’s reputation.

There will be many opportunities—starting with demanding that Justice Clarence Thomas recuse himself because of his wife’s work on Trump’s behalf—for the justices to show that they serve the Constitution and the law.

Not any party or politician.

FOOTNOTE:  John Krull is director of Franklin College’s Pulliam School of Journalism and publisher of TheStatehouseFile.com, a news website powered by Franklin College journalism students. The views expressed are those of the author only and should not be attributed to Franklin College.